Chris Blattman: War and Violence | Lex Fridman Podcast #273
DbXjoXnIxQo • 2022-04-03
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Kind: captions Language: en what are your thoughts on the ongoing war in ukraine how do you analyze it within your framework about war how far would they go to hang on to power when push came to shove is i think the thing that worries me the most and is plainly what worries most people about the risk of nuclear war like at what point does that uncheck leadership decide that this is worth it especially if they can emerge from the rebels still on top the following is a conversation with chris blattman professor at the university of chicago studying the causes and consequences of violence and war this he explores in his new book called why we fight the roots of war and the paths to peace the book comes out on april 19th so you should pre-order it to support chris and his work this is the lex friedman podcast to support it please check out our sponsors in the description and now dear friends here's chris blattman in your new book titled why we fight the roots of war and the paths for peace you're right quote let me be clear what i mean when i say war i don't just mean countries duking it out i mean any kind of prolonged violent struggle between groups that includes villages clans gangs ethnic groups religious sects political factions and nations wildly different as these may be their origins have much in common we'll see that the northern irish zealots colombian cartels european tyrants liberian rebels greek oligarchs chicago gangs indian mobs rwandan jenna said dares a new word i learned thank you to you those are people who administer genocide english soccer hooligans and american invaders so first let me ask what is war in saying that war is a prolonged violent struggle between groups what do the words prolonged groups and violent mean i sit at the sort of intersection of economics and political science and i i also dwell a little bit in psychology but that's partly because i'm married to psychologists sometimes do research with her all these things are really different so if you're a political scientist you spend a lot of time just classifying a really narrow kind of conflict and studying that and that's that's an important way to make progress uh as a social scientist but i'm not trying to make progress i'm trying to sort of help everybody step back and say you know what there's like some common things that we know from these disciplines that uh relate to a really wide range phenomenon basically we we can talk about them in a very similar way and we get really similar insights so i wanted to actually bring them together but i still had to like say let's hold out individual violence which has a lot in common but but individuals choose to engage in violence for more and sometimes different reasons so let's just put that aside so that we can focus a bit and let's really put aside short incidents of violence because those might have the same kind of things explaining them but actually there's a lot of other things that can explain short violence short violence can be really uh demonstrative like you can just i can use it to communicate information the thing that all of it has in common is that it doesn't generally make sense it's not your best option most of the time and so i wanted to say let's take this thing that should be puzzling we kind of think it's normal we kind of think this is what all humans do but let's point out that it's not normal and then figure out why and let's talk about why and so that's so i was trying to throw out the the short violence i was trying to throw out the individual violence i was also trying to throw out all the competition that happens that's not violent that's that's the normal normal competition i was trying to say let's talk about violent competition because that's kind of the puzzle so that's really interesting you said usually people try to find a narrow definition and you said progress so you make progress by finding a narrow definition for example of military conflict in a particular context yeah and progress means all right well how do we prevent this particular kind of military conflict or maybe if it's already happening how do we de-escalate it and how do we solve it so from a geopolitics perspective from an economics perspective and you're looking for a definition of war that is as broad as possible but not so broad that you cannot achieve a deep level of understanding of why it happens and how it can be avoided right and a comment basically like recognize that common principles govern some kinds of behavior that look pretty different like an indian ethnic riot is obviously pretty different than invading a neighboring country right but uh and that's pretty different than two villages or two gangs a lot of what i work on is studying organized criminals and gangs two gangs going to where you think is really different and and of course it is but but there are some like common principles you can just think about conflict and the use of violence and um and not learn everything but just get a lot just get really really far by sort of seeing the commonalities rather than just focusing on the differences so again those words are prolonged groups and violent can you maybe linger on each of those words what is prolonged mean what's where's the line between short and long what does groups mean and what does violet mean so let me you know i have a friend who um someone has become a friend through the process of my work and and writing this book also uh who was 20 30 years ago was a was gang leader in chicago so this guy named napoleon english or nap and i remember one time he was saying well you know when i was young i used to i was 15 16 and he'd go to the neighboring gangs territory says i'd go gangbanging and i said well i didn't know what that meant i said what does that mean and he said oh that just meant i'd shoot him up like i'd shoot at buildings i might shoot at people i wasn't trying to kill he wasn't trying to kill them he was just trying to sort of send a signal that he was a tough guy and he was fearless and he was someone who they should be careful with and so i didn't want to call that war right that was that was that's something different that was it was short it was kind of sporadic and and he wasn't and he was he was basically trying to send them information and this is what countries do all the time right we have military parades uh and we uh we might have border skirmishes and uh and and i wanted to sort of so is it what's short is is it three-month border skirmish a war i mean i don't i don't try to get into those things i don't want to but i want to point out that like these long grueling months and years of violence are like or the problem in the puzzle and i just i didn't want to spend a lot of time talking about um the international version of gang banging it's a different phenomenon so what is it about napoleon that doesn't nap let's call him not to add confusion yeah that doesn't qualify for war is it the individual aspect is it that violence is not the thing that is sought but the um communication of information is what is sought or is it the shortness of it is it all of those com it's a little bit i mean he was the head of a group where he was becoming the head of a group at that point um and that group eventually did go to war with those neighboring gangs which is to say it was just long drawn out conflict over months and months and months but i think one of the big insights from my fields is that you know you're constantly negotiating over something right whether you're officially negotiating or you're all posturing like you're kind of you're bargaining over something and uh you should be able to figure out a way to split that pie and you could use violence but violence is everybody's miserable like if you're nap like if you start a war one you know there's lots of risks you could get killed that's not good uh you could kill somebody else and go to jail which is what happened to him that's not good uh your soldiers get killed no one's buying your drugs in the middle of a gunfight so it interrupts your business and so on and on like it's really miserable this is what we're seeing right now you know as we're recording you know the russian invasion of ukraine is now its fourth or fifth week everybody's if it didn't dawn on them before it's dawned on them now just how brutal and costly this is as you describe for everybody so everybody is losing in this war yeah i mean that's maybe the inside everybody loses something from war and there was usually not always but this the point is there was usually a way to get what you wanted or be better off without having to fight over it so there's this it's just fighting is just politics by other means and it's just inefficient costly brutal devastating means and so that's like the deep insight and so i kind of wanted to say um so so i guess like what's not war and i mean i don't i don't want i don't try to belabor the definitions because some some you know there's reams and reams of political science prof papers written on like what's a war what's not award people disagree uh the i just wanted to say war is the thing that we shouldn't be doing or where's the violence that doesn't make sense there's a whole bunch of other violence including gang banging and skirmishes and things that might make sense uh precisely because they're cheap ways of communicating or their their way they're they're not particularly costly where's the thing that's just so costly we should be trying to avoid is maybe like the meta way i think about it right uh nevertheless definitions are interesting so outside of the academic bickering yeah every time you try to define something i'm a big fan of it the process illuminates so the destination doesn't matter because the moment you arrive at the definition um you lose the power yeah one of the interesting things i mean so people you know if you want to do you know some of what i do is just quantitative analysis of conflict and and if you want to do that if you want to sort of run statistics on war then you have to code it all up and and then lots of people have done that there's four or five major data sets where people or teams of people have over time said we're going to code years of war between these groups or within a country and what's interesting is how difficult these these data sets don't often agree you have to make all of these the decision gets really complicated like when does the war begin right does it does it begin when a certain number of people have been killed did it begin did it what if there's like lots of skirmishing and sort of like little terror attacks or a couple bombs lobbed and then eventually turns into war do we do we call that did do we back date it to like when the first act of violence started and then what do we do with all the one the times when there was like that low scale low intensity violence or lob bombs lobbed and do we do we call those wars but or maybe only if they eventually get worse like so you get it actually is really tricky and the defense on the offensive aspect so everybody uh hitler in world war ii it seems like he never attacked anybody he's always defending against the unjust attack of everybody else as he's taking over the world so that's like information propaganda that every side is trying to communicate to the world so you can't listen to necessarily information like self-report data you have to kind of look past that somehow maybe look especially in the modern world as much as possible at the data how many bombs dropped how many people killed how the number of the estimates of the number of troops moved from one location to another and that kind of thing and then the other interesting thing is there's um quantitative analysis of war so for example i was looking at just war index or people trying to measure trying to put a number on what wars are seen as just and not oh really i've never seen that it's there there's numbers behind it it's great so it's great because again as you do an extensive quantification of justice you start to think what actually contributes to our thought that for example world war ii is a just war and other wars are not um a lot of it is about intent and some of the other factors like that you look at which is prolonged the degree of violence that is necessary versus not necessary given the greater good some measure of the greater good of people all those kinds of things the then there's reasons for war you know looking to free people or to stop a genocide versus uh conquering land all those kinds of things and people tried to put a number behind it and a lot based on i mean what i'm trying to imagine is i mean suppose i wake up and or is whatever my suppose i think my god tells me to do something or or my my god thinks that uh or my moral sense thinks that something that another group is doing is repugnant i'm curious like are they evaluating like the validity of that claim or just the idea that like well you said it was repugnant you deeply believe that therefore it's just i think uh now it could be corrected on a lot of this but i think this is always looking at wars after they happened so it's and trying to take a global perspective from all sort of a general survey of how people perceive so you're not weighing disproportionately the opinions of the people who waged the war yeah i mean i i kind of ended up dodging that because i mean one is to just point out that wars actually most wars aren't necessary and so in the sense that there's there's another way to get what you wanted um and so on on one level there's no just war now that that's not true because take an example like the u.s invasion afghanistan the united states has been attacked uh there's a culpable agent reliable evidence that this is al-qaeda they're being sheltered by in afghanistan by the taliban and then the taliban this is this is a bit murky it seems that there was an attempt to say hand him over or else and and they said no way now you can make an argument that invading and attacking is strategically the right thing to do in terms of sending signals to your future enemies or you just if you think it's important to bring someone to justice in this case al-qaeda then then you maybe that's just war or that's a just invasion but it hinges on the fact that the the other side just didn't do the seemingly sensible thing which is say okay we'll give them up and uh and so so it was completely avoidable in one sense but if you believe and i think it's probably true if you believe that for their own ideological and other reasons um you know mulomar in particular and taliban in general decided we're not going to do this uh then then now you're not left with very many good choices uh and now i you know i didn't want to talk about is that a just war is that what's justice or not i just wanted to point out that like it one side's intransigence if that's indeed what happened one side's intransigent sort of maybe compels you to basically eliminates all of the reasonable bargains that you could be satisfied with and now you're left with really no other strategic option but to invade i think that's a slight oversimplification but i think that that's like that's like one way to describe what happened so your book is fascinating your perspective on this is fascinating i'll try to sort of play devil's advocate at times to try to get a clarity but the thesis is that war is costly usually costly for everybody so that's what you mean when you say nobody wants war because you're going to from a game theoretical perspective uh nobody wins and so war is essentially a breakdown of reason a breakdown of negotiation of healthy communication or healthy operation of the world some kind of breakdown you list all kinds of ways in which it it breaks down but there's also there's also human beings in this mix and there is ideas of justice so for example i don't want to my memory doesn't serve me well on which wars were seen as justice very very few in the 20th century of the many that have been there the the wars that were seen as just first of all the most just war seen as world war ii by far um it's actually the only one uh that goes above a threshold as seen as just everything is seen as unjust it's it's uh less it's like degrees of unjustness and i i think the ones that are seen as more just are the ones that are fast that you have a very specific purpose you communicate that purpose honestly with the global community and you strike hard fast and you pull out uh to do sort of it's like rescue missions it's almost like policing work if there's somebody suffering you go in and stop that suffering directly that's it i think world war ii is seen in that way that there's an obvious aggressor that is causing a lot of suffering in the world and looking to expand the scale of that suffering and so you strike i mean given the scale you strike car as hard and as fast as possible to stop the expansion of the suffering and so that's kind of how they see i don't know if you can kind of look with this framework that you presented and look at hitler and think well it's not in his interest to attack czechoslovakia poland britain france russia the soviet union america the united states of america uh same same with japan what is it in their interest long-term interest i don't know i i it uh so for me who cares about alleviating human suffering in the world yes it's not it seems like almost no war is just but it also seems somehow deeply human to fight and i think your book makes the case no it's not can you can you try to like get at that because it seems that war there is some that like drama of war seems to beat in all human hearts like it's in there somewhere maybe it's maybe there's like a relic of the past and we need to get rid of it it's deeply irrational okay so obviously we go to war and obviously there's a lot of violence and so we have to explain something and and some of that's going to be aspects of our humanness so so i guess what i wanted us to sort of start with i think it was just useful to sort of start and point out actually you know there's really really really really strong incentives not to go to war because it's going to be really costly and so all of these other human or strategic things all these things the circumstantial things that will eventually lead us go to war have to be pretty powerful before we go there and and most of the time sorry to interrupt uh and that's you why you also describe very importantly that war throughout human history is actually rare we usually avoid it you know most people don't know about the us invasion of haiti in 1994. i mean a lot of people know about it but people just don't pay attention to it we don't we we're going to you know the history books and school kids are going to learn about the invasion afghanistan for decades and decades and nobody is going to put this one in the in the history books and it's because it it didn't actually happen because uh before the troops could land the person who'd taken power in a coup basically said fine there's a famous story where where colin powell goes to haiti to this new dictator who's refused to let a democratic president take power and um and tries to convince him to step down or else and he says no no and and then he shows him a video and it's basically troop planes and all these things taking off and he's like this is not live this is two hours ago so it's a and and basically he basically gives up right there so that was that's a powerful move yeah i think powell might have been one of his teachers in like a u.s military college because a lot of these military dictators are trained at some point so they had some there was some personal relationships at least between people in the us government and this guy that they were trying to use the the point is and that that's that's like what should have happened like that makes sense right like yeah i'm maybe i can mount an insurgency and yeah i'm not going to bear a lot of the cost of work because i'm the dictator and maybe he's human and he just wants to fight or gets angry or it's just in his mind whatever he's doing but at the end of the day he's like this does not make sense um and that's what happens most of the time but we don't write so many books about it and uh and and and now some political scientists go and they count up all of the nations that could fight because they have some dispute and they're right next to another one another or they look at the ethnic groups that could fight with one another because they have there's some tension and they're right next to one another and and then whatever some number like 999 out of a thousand don't don't fight um because they just find some other way they don't like each other but they they just loathe in peace because that's the sensible thing to do and that's what we all do we loathe in peace uh and we loathe the soviet union in relative peace for decades and india uh loathes pakistan in peace i mean two weeks into the russian invasion of ukraine again it was in the newspapers but most people didn't i think take note india accidentally launched a cruise missile at pakistan and common suit so they were like yeah this is we do not want to go to war this will be bad uh we'll ex will be angry but we'll accept your explanation that this was an accident and so um so these things find to the radar until we overestimate i think how likely it is sides are going to fight but then of course things do happen like russia did invade the ukraine and didn't find some negotiated deal and so uh and so then the book is sort of about past the book it's just sort of laying out actually like there's just different ways this breaks down and some of them are human some of them are this i i actually don't think war beats in our heart it does a little bit but we're actually very cooperative we're as a species we're deeply deeply cooperative we're really really good so the thing we're not we're okay at violence and we're okay and we're okay getting angry and vengeance and we have principles that will sometimes lead us but we're actually really really really good at cooperation and and so that's again you know i i don't i'm not trying to write some big optimistic book where everything's going to be great and we're all happy and we don't really fight it's more just to say let's start let's be like a doctor as a doctor we're going to focus on the sick right i'm going to try i know there's sick people but i'm going to recognize that the normal state is health and that most people are healthy and and that's going to make me a better doctor and that's i'm kind of saying the same thing let's be better doctors of politics in the world by recognizing that like normal state is health and then we're going to identify like what are the diseases that are causing this warfare so yeah the natural state of the human body with the immune system and all the different parts uh wants to be healthy and is really damn good at being healthy but sometimes it breaks down let's understand how it breaks down yeah exactly so what are the five ways that you list that are the roots of war yeah so i mean they're kind of like buckets like there's sort of things that rhyme right in the interval you know because it's not all the same there's like lots of reasons to go to where there's this great line you know there's a reason for every war and a war for every reason and that's true and it's kind of overwhelming right and and it's overwhelming for a lot of people it was overwhelming for me for a lot of time and i think i think one of the gifts of this of social sciences actually people have started to organize this for us and i just tried to organize it like a tiny bit better buckets that rhyme buckets yeah some economics before right metaphors so so the idea was that like that basic instead of like something overrides these incentives and and i guess i was saying there's five ways there that they get overrided and three are i'd call strategic like they're kind of logical there's circumstances that um and and this is they're sort of where strategic is the strategy is like the the game theory is you could use those two things interchangeably but but game theory is sort of making it sound more complicated i think than it is it's basically saying that there's times when this is like the optimal choice because of circumstances and and and one of them is when the people who are deciding don't bear those costs so that's or or maybe even have a private incentive that's gonna that's that's uh if they don't if they're ignoring the cost then maybe the costs of war are not so material uh that's a contributing factor another is just there's uncertainty and we could talk about that but there's just the absence of information means that actually there's circumstances where it's your best choice to attack there's this thing that political economists call commitment problems which are basically saying there's some big power shift that you can avoid by attacking now so it's like a dynamic incentive it's sort of saying well in order to keep something from happening in the future i can attack now and because of the structure of incentives it actually makes sense for me even the awards in theory uh really costly or it is really costly nonetheless and then there's these sort of human things one's a little bit like just war one sort of thing there's like ideologies or principles or things we value that weigh against those costs like exterminating the heretical idea or standing up for a principle might be so valuable to me that i'm willing to use violence even if it's costly and there's nothing irrational about that and then the fifth bucket is is all of the irrationalities all the passions and all of the most importantly i think like misperceptions the way we get like we basically make wrong calculations about whether or not war is the right decision we get our we miss we misunderstand or misjudge our enemy or misjudge ourselves so if you put all those things into buckets so how much can it be modeled in in a in a simple game theoretic way and how much of it is a giant human mess so four of those five are really on some level easy to think strategically and model in a simple way um in the sense that any of us can do it right we do this all the time you know think of like bargaining in a market for a carpet or something or whatever you're bargained for um you're thinking a few steps ahead about what your opponent's going to do and you stake out a high price like a low price and the seller stakes out a high price and you might both say oh i refuse to like i could never accept that and there's all this sort of cheap talk um but you kind of understand where you're going and it's efficient to like find a deal and buy the market by the carpet eventually um so we all understand this like game theory and the strategy i think intuitively or maybe even a closer example is like suppose i don't know you have a tenant you need to evict or anyone normal like kind of legal or not it's not yet a legal dispute right like we just have a dispute with a neighbor or somebody else most of us don't end up going to court going to court is like the war option that's the costly thing that we just ought to be able to avoid we ought to be able to find something between ourselves that doesn't you know require this hiring lawyers and a long drawn out trial and most of the time we do right and so so we all understand that incentives and then for those five buckets so everything except all the irrational and the misperceptions are really easy to model then from a technical standpoint it's actually pretty tricky to model the misperceptions and i'm not a game theorist uh and so i'm more channeling my colleagues who do this and and what i know um but but it's not rocket science i mean i think that's what i that's kind of what i try to lay out in the book is like there's this all this all these ideas out there that that can actually help us just make sense of all these wars um and just some bring some order to the more ass of real reasons well to push back a lot of things in one sentence so first of all rocket science is actually pretty simple people i think i'll i'll defer to you actually well i think it's because unfortunately it's very like engineering it's very well defined the problem is well defined the problem with humanity is it's actually complicated so it is true it's not rocket science but it is not true it's easy because it's not rocket science but the the the problem the the downside of of game theory is not that it helps us make sense of the world it projects a simple model of the world that brings us comfort in thinking we understand yeah and sometimes that simplification is actually getting at the core first principles on understanding of something and sometimes it fools us into thinking we understand so for example i mean mutually assured destruction is a very simple model and people argue all the time whether that's actually a good model or not but you know there's empirical fact that we're still alive as a human civilization and also in the game theoretic sense do we model individual leaders and their relationships do we the staff the generals uh or do we also um have to model the culture the people the the the suffering of the people the economic frustration or the anger the distrust you have to model all those things do they come into play uh and sometimes i mean again we could be romanticizing those things from a historical perspective but when you look at history and you look at the way wars start it sometimes feels like a little bit of a misunderstanding escalates escalates escalates and just builds on top of itself and all of a sudden it's an all-out war it's the escalation with nobody hitting the brakes so so i mean you're absolutely right and like in the sense that it's totally possible to oversimplify these things and take the game theory too seriously and and some and and people who study those things and write those models and people like me who use them sometimes make that mistake i think that's not the mistake that most people make most often and it's actually true is i think most people we're actually really quick whether it's the the u.s invasion of afghanistan or iraq we're really quick to blame that on the humanness and the culture and that so we're really quick to say oh this was george w bush's either desire for revenge and vengeance or some private agenda or blood for oil um so we're really quick to blame it on these things and then we're really we tend to overlook the strategic incentives to to attack which i think were probably dominant i think those things might have been true to a degree but i don't think they were enough to ever you know bring those wars about just like i think people are very quick to sort of in this current invasion to sort of talk about putin's um grand visions of being the next catherine the great or or or nationalist ideals or and and the mistakes and the miscalculations were really quick to sort of say oh that that must be and then kind of pause and start not possible maybe even stop there and not see some of the strategic incentives and so so i i guess we have to do both um but the strategic i guess i would say like the war is just such a big problem it's just so costly that the strategic incentives and and the things that game theory has given us are like really important in understanding why there was so little room for negotiation in a bargain that things like a leader's mistakes start to matter or leaders nationalist ideals or delusions or vengeance actually matters because those do matter but they only matter when the capacity to find a deal is so narrow because of the circumstances and so let's not let's it's sort of like saying um like an elderly person who dies of pneumonia right pneumonia killed them obviously but that's not the reason mnemonia was able to kill them all of the fundamentals and the circumstances were like made them very fragile and that's how i think all the strategic forces make that situation fragile and then the miscalculations and the all these things you just said which are so important are kind of like the pneumonia and let's sort of let's pay attention to both and you're saying that people don't disproportionately pay attention to the it's hard i mean it wasn't to the leaders it took me a long time to learn to recognize them and it takes many people you know it took and it took generations of social scientists um years and years to figure figure some of this out and to sort of help people understand it and clarify concepts so it's not it's just not that easy now it's not hard i think it's possible to just as i was taught a lot of the stuff i write in the book in graduate school or from reading and i it's possible to communicate and learn this stuff but it's still really hard and so so so that's kind of what i was trying to do is like close that gap and just make it help people recognize these things in the wild before we zoom back out let me at a high level first ask what are your thoughts on the ongoing war in ukraine how do you analyze it within your framework about war a russian colleague of mine constantine tells this story about a visiting ukrainian professor who's at the university and one night he's walking down the street and he's talking on two cell phones at once for some reason and a mugger stops him and demands the phones and it's sort of like deadpan way constantine says you know and because he was ukrainian he decided to fight and and i think that's a little bit like what happened most of us in that situation would hand over our cell phones and um and and so in this situation putin's like the mugger and the ukrainian people are being asked to hand over this thing and they're saying no we're not going to hand this over and and the fact is um most people do most people faced with a superpower or a tyrant or an autocrat or a murderous warlord who says hand this over they hand it over and uh and that's why that's why there are so many unequal imperial relationships in the world that's what empire is empire is success of people saying fine we'll give up our some degree of freedom or sovereignty because you're too powerful and the ukrainian said no way uh this is just too precious and so i said one of those buckets where that there are there's a set of values there's sometimes there's something that we value that is so valuable to us and important sometimes it's it's terrible sometimes it's the extermination of a another people but sometimes it's something noble like liberty or refusal to part with sovereignty and and in those circumstances people will decide i will endure the costs they probably i mean i think i think i think they knew what they were probably risking um and so to me that that's not to blame the ukrainians any more than i would blame americans for the american revolution it's actually a very similar story you had a tyrannical militarily superior pretty non-democratic entity come and say you're going to have partial sovereignty and americans for ideological reasons said no way and that you know people like bernard bailey and other historians that's like the dominant story of the american revolution it was in the ideological origins this attachment this idea of liberty and so i start now there's lots of other reasons i think why this happened but i think for me it starts with ukrainians failing to make that sensible quote-unquote rational deal that says we should we should relinquish some of our sovereignty because russia is more powerful than we are so there's a very clinical look at the war meaning there is a man and a country vladimir putin that has makes a claim on a land builds up troops and invades yep the way to avoid suffering there and the way to avoid death and a way to avoid war is to uh back down and basically let you know there's a list of interests he provides and you go along with that um that's when the goal is to avoid war uh let's do some other calculus let's think about britain so france fought hitler but did not fight very hard portugal there's a lot of stories of countries like this and there is winston motherfucking churchill he's one of the rare humans in history who had that we shall fight on the beaches it made no sense hitler did not say he's going to destroy britain he seemed to show respect for britain he wanted to keep the british empire he it made total sense but it was obvious that britain was going to lose if hitler goes all in on britain as he seemed like he was going to and yet winston churchill said a big fu yeah similar thing zelensky and the ukrainian people said fu in that same kind of way so i think i think we're saying the same things i'm i'm being more clinical about it well i'm trying to understand and we won't know this but which path minimizes human suffering in the long term well on the eve of the war ukraine was poor in a per person terms than it was in 1990 the economy is just completely stagnated in russia meanwhile like many other parts of the region sort of boomed to a degree i mean certainly because of oil and gas but also for a variety of other reasons and putin's consolidated political control and and from a very cold-blooded and calculated point of view i think one way putin and russia could look at this is this look we were temporarily weak after the ball of the iron curtain and the rest in the west basically took advantage of that like bravo you pulled it off you basically crept democracy and capitalism all these things right up to our border and now we have regained some of our strength we've consolidated political control we've cowed our people we have a stronger economy and we somehow got germany and other european nations to give up energy independence and actually just we've got an enormous amount of leverage over you and now we want to roll back some of your success because we we're powerful enough to demand it and and you've been taking advantage of the situation which is maybe a fair impartial analysis and uh in the west but more specifically ukraine said but that's a price too high which i totally respect i would maybe i'd like to think i'd make that same decision but that is that's the answer if the answer is why would they fight if it's so costly why not find a deal it's because they weren't willing to give russia the thing that their power said they quote unquote deserve just like americans said to the briton yeah of course you you we ought to accept semi-sovereignty um but we are just we refuse and we'd rather endure a bloody fight that we might lose than than take this and so um so you need some of these other five buckets you need them to understand the situation you need to sort of there are other things going on but i but i do think it's fundamental that there's just that this it this noble intransigence is like a big is a big part of it well let me just say a few things if it's okay yeah so your analysis is um is clear and objective my analysis is neither clear nor objective first i've been going through a lot i'm a different man over the past four or five weeks than i was before i in general have come to there's anger i've come to despise leaders in general because leaders wage war and the people pay the price for that war let me just say on this point of standing up to an invader that i am half ukrainian half russian that i'm proud of the ukrainian people whatever the sacrifice is whatever the scale of pain standing up there's something in me that's proud maybe that's maybe that's whatever the fuck that is maybe that blood runs in me i love the ukrainian people love the russian people and whatever that fight is whatever that suffering is the millions of refugees whatever this war is the dictators come to power and the their power falls i just love that that spirit burns bright still and i do maybe i'm wrong in this to see ukrainian and russian people as one people in a way that's not just cultural geopolitical but just given the history i think about the same kind of fighting when hitler with all of his forces chose to invade the soviet union operation barbarossa when he went and that russian winter and you know a lot of people and that pisses me off because if you if you know your history it's not the winter that stopped hitler it's the red army it's the people that refused to back down they fought proudly that pride that's something that's the human spirit that's in war you know war is hell but it really pushes people to to stand for the things they believe in it's the the william wallace speech from braveheart i think about this a lot that does not fit into your framework no no i'm gonna disagree i i think it totally fits in and it's it's this there's nothing irrational about what we believe especially those principles which we hold the most dear right i'm i'm merely trying to say that there's a there's a calculus there's one calculus over here that says russia is more powerful than it was 20 years ago and even 10 years ago and ukraine is not and it's asking for something and and there's an incentive to give that up that's obvious like there's an incentive to comply but my understanding is many of these post-soviet republics have appeased right which is what we call compromise when we disagree with it they've all of these other peoples in the russian sphere of influence have have not stood up uh and russians many russians have tried to stand up and they've been beaten down and now people have we'll see but people have not been standing up very much and so lots of people are cowed and lots of people have a piece and lots of people hear that speech and think i would like to do that but but don't and and so and my point is that sadly we live in a world where a lot of people uh get stepped on by tyrants and empire and whatnot and don't rise up and so so i think we could admire especially when they stand up for these reasons and i think we can admire churchill for that reason i think we could that's why we admire the leaders the american revolution and so on but doesn't always happen and i i don't actually know why but i don't think it's irrational i think it's just it's it's something it's about a set of values and it's hard to predict and it was hard for hard i i putin might not have been out of line and thinking just like everybody else in my share of influence they're gonna roll over to and i should mention because we haven't that a lot of this calculation from an objective point of view you have to include united states and nato into the pressure they apply into the region that said i care little about leaders that do cruel things onto the world they lead to a lot of suffering but i still believe that the russian people and the ukrainian people are great people that stand up and i admire people that stand up and are willing to give their life and i think russian people are very much um that too especially when the enemy is coming for your home over the hill yeah sometimes standing up to an authoritarian regime is difficult because you don't know it's not a monster that's attacking your home directly it's kind of like the boiling of a lobster or something like that it's a slow control of your mind and the population and our minds get controlled even in the west by the media by the narratives it's very difficult to wake up one day and to realize uh sort of what people call red pilled is to see that they're you know maybe the thing i've been told all my life is not true and at every level that's the thing very difficult to do in north korea very in the more authoritarian the regime the more difficult it is to see maybe this idea that i believe that i was willing to die for is actually evil it's very difficult to do for americans for russians for ukrainians for chinese for indians for pakistanis for everybody i think thinking about this ukrainian whether you want to call it nobility or intransigence or whatever is is key i think um the authoritarian-ness of russia and putin's control or the control of his cabal is the other thing i would really point to is what's going on here and if i had to if you ask me like big picture what do i think is the fundamental cause of most violence in the world i think it's unaccountable power i think in fact for me an unaccountable power is the source of underdevelopment it's the source of pain and suffering it's the source of of warfare it's basically the root source of most of our problems and in this particular case it's also one of our buckets in the sense that like why what is it that why did russia ask these things like well it was democracy in the uk in ukraine a threat to an average russian no was capitalism is nato is whatever is this a threat to average russians no it's a threat to the bullet apparatus of political control and economic control that putin and cronies and this sort of group of people that that rule this elite in russia um it was a threat to them and so they had to ask the ukraine to be neutral or to give up nato or to have a puppet government or whatever they were seeking to achieve and have been trying to achieve through other means for decades right they've been trying to undermine these things without uh invasion and they've been doing that because it threatens their interests and that's like one of these other logics of war it's not just that there's something that i value so much that i'm willing to injure the cost it's that there are people not only do does this oligarchy or whatever elite group that you want to talk about in russia not first of all they're not bearing something they're bearing some costs of war right they're very and they're certainly bearing cost of sanctions um but they are they don't bear all the costs of war obviously and so they're more they're quick to use it but more importantly like in some sense it i think there's a strong argument that they had a political incentive to invade and or at least to ask ukraine this sort of impossible to give up thing and then invade despite ukrainian nobility and transitions because they were threatened um and so so that's extremely important i think and so that's those two things in concert make this a very fragile situation that's i think why we ended up is go go not all the way but a long way to understanding now you can layer on to that these intangible incentives these other things that are valued that are valued on putin's side maybe there's a nationalist ideal maybe he seeks status and glory like maybe those things are all true and i'm sure they're true to an extent and and and that'll weigh against his costs of war as well but fundamentally i think he just saw his regime as threatened that's what he cares about and and and so he asked he made he made this cruel list of demands i mean i would say i'm just one human who the hell am i but i'm i just have a lot of anger towards the elites in general towards leaders in general that failed the people i would love to hear and to celebrate the beautiful russian people the ukrainian people and anyone who silences that beautiful voice of the people anywhere in the world is destroying the thing that i value most about humanity leaders don't matter they're supposed to serve the people this nationalist idea of a people of a country is only makes any sense when you celebrate when you give people um the freedom to show themselves to celebrate themselves and the the thing i imagine i care most about is science and the silencing of voices in the scientific community the silencing of voices period fuck any leader that silences that human spirit um there's something about this it's like whenever i look at world war ii whenever i look at wars it does seem very irrational to fight but man does it seem somehow deeply human when the people stand up and fight and there's something uh that if you know we talked about progress that feels like how progress is made the people that stand and fight so let me read the churchill speech it's such i so proud that we humans can stand up to evil when the time is right i guess here's the thing though think of what's happening in xinjiang in china we have we've appeased china we've basically said you can just do really really really horrible things in this region and we're you're too powerful for us to do anything about it and it's not worth it and and there's nobody standing up and making a churchill speech or uh the braveheart speech about standing up for people of of xinjiang when when what's happening is um on you know in that in that in that realm of what was happening in europe and and that's happening in a lot of places um and then when we when when there is a willingness to stand up people there's a lot of opposition to those you know people you know so there were a lot of reasons for the invasion of iraq um for some it was humanitarian things like saddam hussein was one of the worst tyrants of the 20th century he was just doing some really horrible things you know he'd invaded kuwait he'd you know committed domestic attempted domestic genocide and all sorts of repression and it was probably a mistake to invade in spite so it's important not just to select on the cases where we stood up and to select on the cases where that ended up working out uh in the sense of victory right it's important to sort of try to judge not judge but just try to understand these things in the context of all the times we didn't give that speech or when we did and then it just went sideways well that's why it's powerful when you're willing to give your life for your principles because most of the time you get neither the principles nor the life you
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